{"product_id":"انقلابِ-مسلسل-نتائج-اور-تناظر-لیون-ٹراٹسکی-inqalab-musalsal-nataij-o-amkanat","title":"انقلابِ مسلسل | نتائج اور امکانات | لیون ٹراٹسکی","description":"\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: center;\"\u003e\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003eIntroduction to the Urdu translation of Trotsky’s historic book \"The Permanent Revolution\"\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eThe first Urdu publication of Leon Trotsky’s books \"The Permanent Revolution\" and \"Results and Prospects\" is undoubtedly an extraordinary achievement and a true milestone for the revolutionary movement. They are undoubtedly counted among the classic works of Marxism, which are of exceptional importance even today, not only for Pakistan but for the entire subcontinent. The essential essence of Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution, which rejects the mechanical perspective based on the inflexible stages of history, is already found in the writings of Marx and Engels.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eIn the \"Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League\" written in March 1850, Marx and Engels wrote about the \"treacherous role\" of the German liberal bourgeoisie during the 1848 revolution, which they considered a precursor to the proletarian revolution. Although their perspective did not prove accurate, the authors emphasized the independent role of the working class and the need to make the revolution permanent.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\"While the democratic petty bourgeoisie wish to bring the revolution to an end as quickly as possible, achieving at most the above objects, it is our interest and our task to make the revolution permanent, until all more or less possessing classes have been forced out of their position of dominance, the proletariat has conquered state power, and the association of the proletarians, not only in one country but in all the dominant countries of the world, has advanced to such a stage that competition among the proletarians in these countries has ceased and that at least the decisive productive forces are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians. Our concern cannot simply be to modify private property, but to abolish it, not to hush up class antagonisms but to abolish classes, not to improve the existing society but to found a new one.\"\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eConcluding the point, they write:\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\"But they must do the utmost for their final victory by making it clear to themselves what their class interests are, by taking up their independent political position as soon as possible, by not allowing themselves to be seduced for a single moment by the hypocritical phrases of the democratic petty bourgeoisie into refraining from the independent organization of the party of the proletariat. Their battle cry must be: The Permanent Revolution.\" (Marx and Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 10, pp. 281, 287)\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eTrotsky borrowed these ideas and developed the theory of permanent revolution during the 1904-05 period when the debate regarding the prospect of the Russian revolution was in full swing. In fact, after the defeat of the 1905 revolution, when Trotsky was arrested by the Tsarist regime, he wrote \"Results and Prospects\" during his imprisonment.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eAt that time, three positions were emerging in these debates. All three agreed that the Russian revolution was a bourgeois revolution, like the bourgeois revolutions in England and France. The primary tasks of the revolution included the abolition of autocracy, the establishment of a bourgeois republic, the resolution of the agrarian question, and granting the right of self-determination to oppressed nationalities. And as a result of all this, the foundation for the promotion of capitalism and the establishment of a modern economy would be laid. The disagreement arose over which class would lead the revolution.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eThe Mensheviks adopted the mechanical point of view that since it is a bourgeois revolution, it would also be led by the bourgeoisie, as happened in the past. According to them, the nascent working class should become subordinate to the leadership of the bourgeoisie. Only in this way, after the full development of capitalism, could the working class be able to raise the slogan of socialism in the next stage. Certainly, for the time being, while supporting the bourgeoisie, they should forget socialist ideals so that their bourgeois allies would not be offended.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eTo the Mensheviks, every society had to pass through these predetermined stages under a set of established rules. Instead of any \"classic\" interpretation of Marxism, this perspective was the exact opposite of the warning and advice given by Marx and Engels regarding the treacherous role of the liberal bourgeoisie.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003eLenin was a staunch opponent of this Menshevik position. He clearly stated his point of view in \"Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,\" written in the summer of 1905. Like Marx and Engels, Lenin also made terrible attacks on the bourgeoisie, which was no longer capable of playing a revolutionary role.\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan lang=\"AR-SA\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e\"But we, as Marxists, know from our theory and from our daily observation of the liberals, the Zemstvo members, and the supporters of Osvobozhdeniye, that the bourgeoisie is vacillating, selfish, and cowardly in supporting the revolution. As soon as the narrow, selfish interests of the bourgeoisie are met, it will move 'backward' from consistent democracy (and it is already moving backward!), will inevitably turn towards counter-revolution and autocracy, and will stand against the revolution and the people.\" (Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 9, pp. 97-98)\u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\"MsoNormal\" align=\"right\" style=\"text-align: right;\"\u003e\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Urdu Typesetting';\"\u003e \u003c\/span\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Fiction House","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":47169517584481,"sku":null,"price":1000.0,"currency_code":"PKR","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0716\/2449\/1105\/files\/3bdeed3bc527ff262cedeee125d97410_d236830d-9dc4-4fef-88a9-3b3d8011947b.jpg?v=1790425412","url":"https:\/\/rohtasbooks.com\/ur\/products\/%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%82%d9%84%d8%a7%d8%a8%d9%90-%d9%85%d8%b3%d9%84%d8%b3%d9%84-%d9%86%d8%aa%d8%a7%d8%a6%d8%ac-%d8%a7%d9%88%d8%b1-%d8%aa%d9%86%d8%a7%d8%b8%d8%b1-%d9%84%db%8c%d9%88%d9%86-%d9%b9%d8%b1%d8%a7%d9%b9%d8%b3%da%a9%db%8c-inqalab-musalsal-nataij-o-amkanat","provider":"Rohtas Books","version":"1.0","type":"link"}